3 SPATE-IRRIGATED AGRICULTURE

In general, spate-irrigated areas support low value agriculture due to the recurrent uncertainty in the frequency and size of floods. Sometimes the spates may be beyond control and they wash away the diversion structure or the flood channels before land is irrigated. It also happens that the season may not bring any flood or only very small floods that peter out before all fields are irrigated. Another problem is that downstream water users are deprived of spate water, because upstream farmers divert all spate flows irrespective of prevailing rules regarding the allocation and distribution of flood water for irrigation purposes. A further source of insecurity is the additional moisture from rains at later stages of crop growth, particularly for crops sown at the end or after the flood season. These rains may not come and the crop may be suitable for fodder only. The risks of crop failure in spate-irrigated agriculture are high, but the probability of being irrigated or not is not equally distributed throughout the command area of spate irrigation systems. Within the area served by one flood river and within the command area of one off-take, there may be land with high, medium and low probability of irrigation. This probability depends on the location and the level of the fields. (Van Steenbergen 1997)

River in Spate in Eritrea

Implications of variability in flood supplies are that:

• the area cultivated and therefore the number of farmers receiving spate water differ from year to year;
• only low value crops are grown and that risk of crop failure is significant; and
• the importance of spate irrigation as source of income will vary within a community and between communities due to the varying probability of spate irrigation along the flood river and within command areas. (Ahmad 2000).

The main aspects of spate-irrigated agriculture, such as land tenure, farm size, cropping patterns, crop yields and net revenues as well as specific risk coping strategies adopted by (poor) households are described and analysed in the following sections of this chapter. The names of spate irrigation systems from Pakistan, Yemen, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Tunisia, which are used to illustrate the main aspects of spate-irrigated agriculture, are listed in Table 2 in Annex A.

3.1 Land Tenure

In addition to the cultivation of land by the landowners themselves, it is common in most spate irrigation systems that land is also cultivated by tenants and sharecroppers. In Yemen, about 18% of the total command area of 15,218 ha in Wadi Zabid is cultivated by the (small) landowners themselves, whereas 82% of the command area is cultivated by sharecroppers and tenants. In Wadi Tuban, small owner-operators cultivate about 49% of the total command area of 12,320 ha, while sharecroppers and tenants operate the remaining 41% and 10%. (World Bank 2000a) About 50% of the spate-irrigated landholdings was cultivated by sharecroppers in Wadi Rima during the 1970s. (MOD 1977a) In the spate irrigation systems in Balochistan (Pakistan), landholders often engage tenants and sharecroppers for the cultivation of their lands. Along the Korakan River in the Kharan District, all the land commanded by the Jama Bund and Madagan Bund is cultivated by sharecroppers. Sharecroppers cultivated 73% of the land in Nal Dat, while tenancy is also common in Mouza Yo Bund in Las Bela District. However, tenancy is not practiced in Toiwar in Killa Saifullah District, where about 375 landowners cultivate their lands themselves. (Halcrow 1994, 1993e, 1998)

3.1.1 Landownership

In Pakistan, most land in spate irrigation systems is permanently distributed and the individual land rights are formally registered in government-administered cadastral records with the name of the owners, size and source of water for each plot of land as well as the occupancy rights of tenants, if necessary. In the Province of Balochistan, land is often owned for many generations by the same tribe or clan, who have settled in the area first. Land rights could also be obtained as a gift from local tribal leaders or the British colonial administration as a reward for certain services provided. Another option to obtain land rights is to purchase it. A good example of this last option is the development of the Marufzai spate irrigation system in Loralai District. About 120 years ago, one person called Hasan Khan purchased land from another Pashtun tribe along the Chamalang River in order to bring land under spate irrigation. On the death of Hasan Khan, the purchased land was sub-divided into 14 holdings, whereas each holding comprised fertile and less fertile land based on the water-holding capacity of the soil. Each of the 12 sons of Hasan Khan received a holding, whereas one holding was reserved for the village headman and one holding is communally owned and used for hosting guests. Sub-divisions through inheritance and transactions have changed the original distribution of land in the existing Marufzai scheme, but all the land is still owned by direct decedents of Hasan Khan. (Halcrow 1993d)

In Balochistan (Pakistan), a specific form of landownership has developed, whereby tenants have acquired permanent occupancy rights and partial ownership rights in the land as a compensation for developing the land for the original landowners, including the construction of the field bunds. A more detailed description of hereditary tenancy can be found in section 2.1.2.

In Yemen, cultivable land under spate irrigation can be either owned by private persons, government or trusts. In Wadi Zabid, 54% of the total command area is privately owned, while the remaining 46% belongs to trusts, of which 31% by private trusts, 4% by public trusts and 11% by religious trusts. In Wadi Tuban, 20% of the total command area is government-owned land, whereas 10% is waqf land belonging to religious trusts. Following the independence of South Yemen in 1967, large landholdings were redistributed among new farmers and tenants, whereas the landholdings of the Sultan and Emirs were transformed into State farms. After the unification of North and South Yemen in 1991, a decree was issued that specified that the original landowners regained ownership over land that was expropriated during the land reforms, while the farmers working these lands for the last 20 to 30 years lost their entitlements to use the land. However, the government has not resolved this issue as it would make many household landless. (Al-Eryani 1998, World Bank 2000a)

The land reforms initiated by the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in the latter half of the 1970s and early 1980s have changed the landownership in Eritrea significantly by allocating small plots of land (0.5 to 1 hectare) to poor families. Before the land reforms, individuals from the upper strata held large tracts of land, which left the majority of farmers landless or working as exploited sharecroppers. At present, all land is government-owned, but the farmers have the right to use spate-irrigated land continuously. If the actual user of the land passes away, the usufruct right is transferred to the youngest son, whereas any other son will be allocated his own plot of land by the local administration as soon as he gets married. (Halcrow 1997)

Average Landholding
In general, the average landholding in spate irrigation systems is small. In Yemen, the average farm size is 1.4 ha and 2.1 ha in Wadi Tuban and Wadi Zabid respectively, although the land distribution is very skewed in Wadi Zabid where about 25 families own about 60% to 70% of the total command area of 15,215 ha with an average farm size of about 410 ha. The landownership in Wadi Rima with 15,650 ha of cultivable land (8,000 ha spate irrigated), which is situated adjacent to Wadi Zabid, is dominated by small landholdings of 2.5ha to 3.5 ha, while only two holdings exceed 250 ha, including 1,800 ha belonging to various brancges of one family. (MOD 1977a) In the spate-irrigated areas of the Shabwah Governorate in Yemen, a typical extended household comprising 8 to 10 adults and 15 to 20 children owns 2.5 ha to 5.0 ha of arable land. During the land reforms in the Sheeb area (Eritrea) in the early 1980s, each household consisting of a couple and children received about one hectare of land, whereas divorced men and women, single adults of 18 years and more and orphans younger than 18 years were given 0.5 ha. In Ethiopia, 31% of the households in the Yandafero scheme in the Konso Special Wadera have one plot of land with an average size of 0.47 ha, while another 49% of the households own two plots with an average size 0.72 ha. In the Nouael II Project in central Tunisia, the average landholding was about 1.1 ha as around 800 households owned 900 ha in the 1980s. In Balochistan (Pakistan), the average landholding in spate irrigation systems varies from 2.1 ha in Sham to 5.4 ha in Chandia and 7.8 ha in Nal Dat.

As a result of further sub-division through inheritance, the existing landholdings will become smaller. Ultimately, the individual landholdings become so small that it will be impossible to operate them efficiently. Kahsaye reports that the reduction in farm sizes through time has resulted in decreased crop output in the Sheeb area in Eritrea. One explanation is that very small landowners cannot keep their draught animals, because they are unable to produce sufficient fodder. (Kahsaye 2002)

Land Distribution
In Wadi Zabid (Yemen), 25 families own about 4,400 ha or 53% of all privately owned land that is usually located in the upstream areas of the scheme where water is available throughout the year from spate and base flows. Another 31% of the total command area belongs to family trusts, which are often managed by the same large landholding families. A total of 2,738 ha is owned by small landholders, who have often less than one hectare of land. The land distribution in Wadi Tuban is less skewed as only 7% of the total command area belongs to landlords with more than 5 ha of land, whereas 49% of the total command area is owned by small farmers with less than one hectare. About 55% and 25% of the households living in the command areas of Wadi Zabid and Wadi Tuban are landless as they do not own or lease any arable land. These landless households usually earn an income as agricultural labourers. (World Bank 2000b) In the Shabwah Governorate, the ownership of land varies from less than 1 ha to more than 10 ha. About 10% of the resident households are landless and they cultivate land as tenants. (KIT 2002) The land distribution in the spate-irrigated areas situated in the Tihama (i.e. Red Coast region) is skewed, whereby a small number of families possesses most of the arable land in the command areas of the spate irrigation systems. In southern Yemen, land is distributed more equally due to the land reforms in the 1970s during the socialist regime. However, the situation in the South of Yemen may change dramatically if the original landowners regain possession of their expropriated land.

In spate irrigation systems in Balochistan (Pakistan), the land distribution can vary from skewed to relatively egalitarian. An example of a spate irrigation system with an unequal distribution of land is Nal Dat with 75% of all spate-irrigated land owned by the 25% largest landholders, while the 25% smallest landowners only have 2%. In Chandia and Marufzai, the land distribution is relatively egalitarian with the largest 25% landowners owning 55% and 48% of the land respectively, whereas the 25% smallest landholders possess 7% of the irrigable land. (Halcrow 1993b, 1993d and 1993e)

Due to the land reforms in the 1980s in Eritrea, the land distribution is egalitarian in quantitative terms as each household received 1 ha of land and individuals obtained 0.5 ha. However, there may be differences in qualitative terms as individual plots of land have different probabilities of receiving spate water and the quality of the soil may also vary.

Land Fragmentation
As a result of inheritance and transactions, landholdings may be fragmented in two or more plots. If a farmer must be present to appropriate spate water as it arrives to his different plots of land at the same time, he has to rely on the assistance of other household members, including his wife, or hired labourers to assist in the irrigation of all his plots. In Wadi Rima (Yemen), about 75% of all farmers cultivate three or more separate plots of land. However, fragmented landholdings are sometimes amalgamated or enlarged by marriage, inheritance or the purchase of land with remittances from migrants. Land fragmentation has the advantage that different parts of the farm are irrigated and hence cultivated at different times thereby phasing labour and management demands on a single farm. (MOD 1977a and 1977b, Varisco 1983)

Sale of Land
In most rural communities in Balochistan (Pakistan), land is not an object of speculation but a birthright. Therefore, it is not common that owners sell their land, in particular not to people from outside their own communities. However, it occurs that landowners, who faced a series of failed crop years, are forced to raise money by selling their land. (Van Steenbergen 1997) A recent phenomenon is that hereditary tenants buy out the landlord’s shares mainly with money earned by family members in the Gulf States. The current landholders in three small spate irrigation systems in Musa Khel District in Balochistan have purchased their lands in 1975 after they had cultivated these lands as tenants for more than 60 years. (Ahmad 1998)

Due to the inequitable distribution of spate water in Wadi Zabid (Yemen) and the desertification of many fields in the middle and the lower reaches of the river, a substantial number of small landowners have to sell their land to larger landlords with landholdings in the upper section of the spate irrigation system as well as wealthy merchants and traders. Indebtedness can also be a contributory factor in the sale of small landholdings, in particular following a succession of dry years. (MOD 1977a)

It is very likely that the number of small landholders, who are forced to sell their lands in the command areas of spate irrigation systems, will increase as the result of the following factors:

• the landholdings have become too small to sustain their households due to further sub-division through inheritance;
• the landholdings cannot be irrigated sufficiently due to inequitable distribution of spate water; and/or
• the landowners need cash to repay outstanding loans, to purchase food items and/or to pay for unforeseen expenditures (i.e. medicines) or social events (i.e. wedding).

3.1.2 Tenancy and Sharecropping

Landowners may decide to engage tenants or sharecroppers to cultivate their lands for various reasons. For instance, they are unable to operate their lands themselves as they are too old, ill or they are not resident in the village. Larger landlords have to hire the services of tenants or sharecroppers, because they do not have sufficient labour force to cultivate all the fields themselves and/or they may be engaged in other off-farm activities, such as trade, business or transport. For female landowners, such as divorcees and widows, it is often very difficult if not impossible to cultivate their fields themselves due to lack of resources (i.e. labour and/or draft animals) as well as cultural and/or religious constraints. Landholders may also be “to poor to farm” as they lack the necessary resources (i.e. draft animals or tractor) to prepare and repair the bunds as well as the inputs (i.e. seeds) to grow crops themselves. As a result, they are forced to rent out their land to tenants or sharecroppers, who have access to these means of production.

Sharecropping
In spate irrigation systems, sharecropping is the most common arrangement, but the “contracts” between the landowners and the sharecroppers vary considerably, mainly due to factors as the availability of sharecroppers and the prevailing cropping pattern.

In many small spate irrigation systems in Balochistan (Pakistan), sharecroppers are entitled to 50% of the harvested crop and straw if he provides the bullocks for the preparation of the land as well as all labour required for planting, weeding and harvesting. Seeds are either provided by the landlords (i.e. Nal Dat) or by the sharecroppers (i.e. Barag). In some spate irrigation systems, the sharecroppers are also (co-)responsible for the maintenance of the field bunds (i.e. Marufzai) or even the reconstruction of the diversion structure in the river (i.e. Madagan Bund and Shah Bund along the Korakan River). The tenant’s share of the harvests is reduced to 25% if the landowner provides the bullocks or mechanical traction, although the sharecroppers in Marufzai still receive 33% if the landlords prepare the land. In addition to their share of the harvest, sharecroppers in Mouza Yo Bund also receive a food ration throughout the year from the landholders. In areas where it is difficult to find sharecroppers due to competition from other economic sectors, landlords provide substantial loans of Rs 30,000 to Rs 70,000 (US$ 1,000 to 2,325) to sharecroppers in order to secure their services. In some regions of Balochistan, such as the Anambar area in Loralai District, the practice of providing loans has evolved in debt-bonding, whereby the sharecroppers have to work for the same landlord until the loan with interest is repaid. (Halcrow 1993b-f; Halcrow 1994)

In Wadi Rima and Wadi Zabid in Yemen, the sharecroppers only receive one-third of the total output after they have paid 10% of the total output as Zakat (i.e. Islamic duty to give alms to poor and needy persons) and 5% to the canal master. The sharecropper contributes proportionally to agricultural inputs and the maintenance of the canals, but he has to provide all labour, including the employment of wage labour. If major canal repair works are required, both the landowner and sharecropper pay 50% of the costs. (MOD 1977a) In Wadi Tuban, the sharecropping conditions are more favourable for sharecroppers as their share is 70% to 75% of the harvest, but they have to take care of all inputs, irrigation fees and maintenance costs. (World Bank 2000a)

Hereditary Tenancy
Hereditary tenancy is a form of sharecropping that is very common in spate-irrigated and rainfed areas of the Province of Balochistan in Pakistan. In the past, owners of large tracts of land gave plots of land to other persons, who would develop the land by levelling it and preparing the field bunds. As a compensation for their investments, the person became a hereditary tenant (lathband) as he received a permanent and alienable occupancy right as well as a partial ownership in the land that he had developed. However, the hereditary tenant loses his rights if he fails to cultivate the land and to maintain the field bunds. If the landlord wants to cancel the hereditary tenancy arrangement or sell the land, he must give the hereditary tenant a previously agreed portion of the land (i.e. one-fourth to one-third) or the actual value in money. The landowners receive one-eight to one-forth of the harvested crops from the hereditary tenants as rent for the use of the land. The hereditary tenant is responsible for providing all inputs and labour, including the maintenance and repair of field bunds, canals and diversion structure. The hereditary tenant has the right to sublet his lease to an ordinary sharecropper or tenant. (Halcrow 1993a-e, 1994)

Tenancy
Tenancy, whereby the tenant rents a plot of land for a fixed amount of money, is not common in spate irrigation systems, which is understandable under a farming system with uncertainty as a dominating factor. (MOD 1977a) In Yemen, however, tenancy is more common in spate-irrigated areas as substantial amounts of land are owned by the State and trusts. In Wadi Zabid, some 5,000 tenants cultivate about 46% of the total command area with an average area of 1.4 ha, whereas 10% of the command area in Wadi Tuban is operated by 1,266 tenants having an average area of 0.9 ha. In Wadi Tuban, tenants normally pay an annual rent of YR 2,000 to YR 2,500 (about US$ 10 to 15) per hectare for waqf land, whereas the rent for State-owned land is usually lower. Tenants in Wadi Zabid usually pay 5% to 10% of the crop as rent, provided that they have a direct contract with the owners of the waqf land. It is common in Wadi Tuban and Wadi Zabid, however, that the Government and religious trusts lease their waqf lands to leading community leaders, who sub-lease these lands to tenants and sharecroppers against significantly higher rents. (World Bank 2000a-b; Al-Eryani 1998)

3.2 Cropping Patterns

In spate-irrigated areas, the cultivation of subsistence and low-value cash crops prevails, whereby drought-resistant crops, such as sorghum, millet, wheat, pulses, oilseeds, cotton and melon, dominate the cropping patterns. Archaeological research has revealed that wheat, barley, sorghum, millet sesame, teff, grape and dates were cultivated in the spate-irrigated areas of Yemen between the third and first millennium BC. (Wilkinson 200?) The production of fodder is a priority in most spate-irrigated areas in order to support the livestock sector, which is not only an important source of income for many farming households but livestock is also a form of saving that can be sold in bad years and certain animals are used for traction and transport.

In the Sheeb area in Eritrea, the main spate-irrigated crop is sorghum, which is planted in September at the end of the flood season and harvested for grain in January. The farmers prefer a local, high yielding, dwarf, fast maturing variety of white sorghum, which was introduced from Sudan in 1967 and it is well adapted to the local agro-climatic circumstances. Depending on moisture availability in the soil, a second harvest of sorghum can be obtained in April from the same plant by ratooning, whereby a new shoot grows from the roots of a cropped plant. In a good flood season, maize is planted right next to the first harvest of sorghum from mid-November to mid-December and harvested in February. Minor crops include millet, sesame, groundnut and some vegetables. (Hadera 2001; Kahsaye 2002)

Spate-Irrigated Crop in Sheeb Area

In the Konso area in Ethiopia, farmers in the midlands mainly grow sorghum, maize, teff and beans under spate irrigation. In the Yandafero scheme in the lowlands, intercropping is the norm, whereby sorghum-cotton and maize-cotton are the predominant combinations with sunflower grown on the field bunds. (Farm Africa 2003)

In the Dera Ghazi Khan area in Pakistan, wheat was the most dominant crop with 30% to 70% of the spate-irrigated areas during the 1980s, whereas gram was the second most important crop followed by guar, pulses, sorghum, rapeseed, millet and maize. (Nawaz 2002a). Along the Korakan River in Kharan District, predominantly wheat is grown during the rabi season (October-May), while sorghum and watermelon are the main crops during the kharif season (June-September) if the fields could be sufficiently irrigated with spate water. (Halcrow 1994) In Chandia, the cropping pattern is dominated by the cultivation of sorghum as fodder, which is intercropped with pulses, during the kharif season, while wheat and oilseeds (i.e. mustard and rapeseed) are grown on residual moisture in the soil and early spring floods during the rabi season. Minor crops include coriander, radish and melons, while the leaves of the mustard plant are used as a vegetable. The main cropping season in Marufzai is the kharif season when farmers plant sorghum, pulses and melons between June and mid-July and both crops are harvested between late September and early October. Wheat, cumin and coriander are grown during the rabi season, whereby wheat is sown in October and harvested in April and May. Sorghum, guar and pulses are grown during the kharif season in Nal Dat, whereby guar is an important cash crop as it is sold as fodder. Wheat and some oilseeds are mainly grown during the winter months. In Toiwar, wheat and barley are cultivated during the rabi season, whereas mash and maize are the main crops grown during the kharif season. (Halcrow 1993b-f)

The main cropping season for spate irrigation systems of the Shabwah Governorate in Yemen is from August to December, when farmers cultivate sorghum, millet, sesame and wheat. (KIT 2002) The cropping patterns in Wadi Tuban and Wadi Zabid have changed dramatically, mainly due to the remarkable increase of (shallow) wells since the 1980s. As a result, the area under banana has increased from 20 ha in 1980 to more than 3,500 ha in 2000 in Wadi Zabid, while about 2,300 ha are under vegetables in Wadi Tuban. Cotton, sorghum, sesame and millet are the main crops for the majority of farmers, who only have access to spate water to irrigate their fields. Sorghum is mainly grown as fodder for their own livestock and to be sold against good prices in the local markets. It is estimated that 40% of the command area in Wadi Tuban is under cotton, 25% under fruits and vegetables, 20% under sorghum as fodder, 10% under sesame and 5% under sorghum and millet as cereal crop. Reportedly, the area under sorghum is declining in Wadi Tuban and Wadi Zabid due to the inequitable distribution of spate water and competition with pump-irrigated cash crops. Furthermore, the existing sharecropping arrangements in Wadi Zabid encourage sharecroppers to cultivate cash crops at the expense of cereal crops. One of the consequences of the reduction in the area under sorghum is that the cattle production in the Tihama has decreased, which may threaten the region’s food self-sufficiency. (Arcadis Euroconsult 2002a, 2002b) In 1990, about 75% of the spate-irrigated area of 15,000 ha in Wadi Mawr was under white and red sorghum, while about 10% under millet and another 10% under sesame. (Shahin 1990) The cultivation of groundnut and melons as well as maize, peas and lentils is also reported in other spate irrigation systems in the lowlands and highlands of Yemen respectively. (Al-Shaybani 2003)

Typical planting and harvesting dates for a number of spate-irrigated crops cultivated in the coastal regions of Southern Yemen are presented in the following table:

An overview of the cropping patterns for different spate irrigation systems can be found in Table 3 in Annex A. There is a tendency that the cultivation of traditional spate-irrigated crops is declining due to different factors. In Pakistan and Yemen, traditional cereal crops, such as sorghum and millet, cannot compete with (imported) wheat, which is sold against low, subsidised prices in the local markets. With increasing prosperity and urbanisation, changing taste may lead to a deterioration in the position of the local producer compared with that of the importer. Rising standards of living and changing habits could reduce the market for traditional grains, such as sorghum, whereby imported wheat and other cereals take over their place. (MOD 1977a) In addition, consumers prefer wheat as the consumption of traditional food crops has a low socio-economic status. Furthermore, governments have directly and indirectly promoted the cultivation of modern cash crops at the expense of traditional spate-irrigated crops by directing their research, extension and credit services exclusively on these high value crops.

Crop Husbandry
Farmers in spate irrigation systems mainly use local varieties, which are adapted to the local agro-climatic conditions. Seed is normally retained from one year to the next. The practice of using self-produced seed can lead to various problems, such as diseases. However, there are very few substitutes for the used varieties as agricultural research is concentrated on perennially irrigated crops. The spacing of the plants is usually wide to provide each plant with a large volume of soil moisture. In the coastal region of Southern Yemen, the best interval for land preparation after flooding is considered to be about 10 days. (Mu’Allem 1987)

In general, farmers do not use chemical and organic fertilisers neither do they incorporate crop residues in the soil. In addition to the fact that many small farmers cannot afford the use of chemical fertilisers, many farmers believe that the nutrient requirements of their spate-irrigated crops are sufficiently satisfied by the fertile sediments deposited during each irrigation.

Although the use of tractors is increasing rapidly, many farmers still use bullocks to prepare their fields, including the repair of the field bunds. In general, farmers try to keep the input of labour as minimal as possible. Normally, only family labour is used, but additional labour may be hired at time of harvesting and threshing. Areas with more reliable spate irrigation and regular cropping have often attracted a high proportion of landless families, who form the basis of a permanently resident labour force. Most of itinerant labourers live in nearby towns and villages or in neighbouring spate-irrigated areas. (MOD 1977a)

Generally, households use traditional storage facilities to store their harvested crops. The risk of losses can be high as the stored crops could be attacked by fungi, insects and rodents. In the Sheeb area (Eritrea), crops are usually stored in woven containers and sacks and the post-harvest losses are estimated to be as high as 25%. (Kahsaye 2002) The methods of storing grain in Wadi Rima (Yemen) have changed little over the years. Usually food is stored in mud huts, although rooms are used in stone houses near the mountains. Some farmers only store their grains in bags that are usually left outdoors, which are sometimes raised on a small platform of poles and roughly covered with straw or they are plied high on a low mound of sand and bundles of sorghum stalks are placed over the bags. Jute bags, large earthen jars of approximately 1.5 bags (135 kg), baskets varying in capacity from 1 to 3 bags (90-270 kg) and metal drums are used as storage containers. Many stores showed evidence of endemic insect infestation. Rodent infestations are widespread and control is attempted by mechanical trapping and hunting, but neither of which is effective. The basic method used for insect control is “sunning” by spreading the crop out in the sun until it becomes heated and the adult insects emerge. Another control method sometimes used for the storage of seed and cowpeas is the practice of mixing ash with the grains, while sorghum chaff may be spread over the floor to deter termites. Overall, it is considered that grain losses amount to an average of 5 to 10% of the weight stored, but in exceptional circumstances this figure can rise to over 25%. (MOD 1977a)

Most farmers, who grow traditional spate-irrigated crops, do not have access to agricultural research and extension services that are provided by government agencies and/or private sector. As a consequence, it is difficult for these farmers to increase their yields and revenues by improving the husbandry of their spate-irrigated crops. Consumers often prefer spate-irrigated crops as they have not lost their original taste due to excessive irrigation and the use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides.

Ground Water Irrigation The use of ground water as source for irrigation is an important strategy to cope with the risks of crop failure due to the unpredictability of spate irrigation. Since the early 1980s, an increasing number of dug- and tube-wells have been installed in the command areas of spate irrigation systems by the farmers themselves for one of the following reasons:

• to change their cropping patterns towards high value cash crops, such as vegetables and fruit, whereby they irrigate their fields solely with ground water or conjunctively with spate water;
• farmers in the middle and tail reaches of spate irrigation systems have less chance to irrigate their lands with spate water as their fields have a low probability of irrigation and they only receive water during large floods; or
• farmers in the middle and tail reaches of spate irrigation system have less access to spate water as traditional rules regarding the allocation and distribution of spate water are not respected by upstream water users, whereby the latter divert more spate water to their fields as they are entitled to.

In the command area of the Nouael II Project in central Tunisia, about half and two-third of the households in the middle and tail sections of the main canal had developed their own dug-wells for the cultivation of vegetables. As a result, the well-owners had stopped their contributions to the maintenance of the spate irrigation system. (Van Mazijk 1988)

As spate water only reached the tail of Wadi Al’Ain/Harib (Yemen) during large floods following the construction of two weirs in 1980, many farmers have developed wells in the downstream reaches in order to become less dependent upon spate water. (Kohler 1999) In the central region of Shabwah Governorate in Yemen, about 20% of the households have installed wells in order to reduce the risk of crop failure. Households with access to pump irrigation obtained net annual revenues that are at least twice as much as for households depending exclusively on spate irrigation. (KIT 2002)

The coastal areas of Yemen have witnessed the installation of a large number of shallow wells and tube-wells since the 1970s and 1980s due to the availability of remittances from family members working in the Gulf States and subsidised credits from the Cooperative and Agriculture Credit Bank, the government policy to ban the import of fresh fruit and vegetables as well as less-effective government control. In Wadi Rima, the abstraction of ground water for irrigation already started during the second half of the 1960s, whereby the number of pumped wells increased from less than 10 in 1965 to more than 325 in 1975. (MOD 1977a) There are about 1,900 operational wells in the command area of Wadi Tuban, of which about 300 well are situated in the upper reach of the Wadi. A total of 2,000 to 2,400 wells with motor pumps have been developed in Wadi Zabid, which are mainly located in the middle and lower reaches of the Wadi. (World Bank 2000a) If pump irrigated land is leased to a sharecropper and all the costs are shared, the owner of the pump receives 50% of the crop, whereas the landowner and sharecropper are entitled to 25% of the produce. Tenants pay a total annual rent of YR 15,000 to 20,000 (about US$ 100 to 135) in cash for using 1 feddan (0.44 ha) of pump irrigated land. Landowners can purchase water from well-owners for YR 10,000 to 15,000 (about US$ 65 to 100) per feddan. In Wadi Mawr, the number of shallow wells increases further downstream the main canal system.

Harvesting of Pump-Irrigated Sorghum as Green Fodder in Wadi Zabid

In addition to the cultivation of bananas, farmers in Wadi Zabid also use ground water for the irrigation of sorghum, which is sold as green fodder against favourable market prices. This pratice illustrates that sorghum can be an important cash crop for farmers in spate-irrigated areas and that it is not only a poor man’s crop.

It seems that the number of wells installed in the command areas of spate irrigation systems in Pakistan is less than in Yemen. There are reports that tube-wells have been installed in the spate-irrigated areas of Dera Ghazi Khan as well as in a number of spate irrigation systems in Balochistan, such as Nal Dat and along the Korakan River.

As already illustrated in the Nouael II Project in central Tunisia, one of the impacts of the installation of wells may be that the importance of spate irrigation diminishes for the well-owners and that they are less willing to contribute to the maintenance and repair of spate irrigation systems. The result may be that the spate irrigation systems cease to function, because the remaining farmers, who are often the small, poorer owner-operators and sharecroppers, are unable to mobilise sufficient labour and draught animals that are required for the reconstruction of the diversion structure and the cleaning of the canal system.

3.3 Crop Yields and Revenues

On average, the yields of spate-irrigated crops are low. In bad years when large parts of the command area cannot be irrigated at all, most fields will not produce any crop, whereas the crops on other fields can only be used as fodder. In good years when fields can be irrigated at least twice, the yields could be high.

In the spate-irrigated areas of the Shabwah Governorate in Yemen, the average yields are 1,500 to 2,000 kg/ha for sorghum and 1,000 to 1,500 kg/ha for millet. However, the yields of sorghum and millet could be more than 2,500 kg/ha and 2,000 kg/ha respectively in years with good rains and floods, while it may be less than 800 kg/ha and 600 kg/ha respectively in dry years. (KIT 2002) The average yields of main crops under spate irrigation in the coastal area of the Tihama (Red Sea coast) and the Aden Gulf are presented in the following table:

Source: (a) Al-Shaybani 2003; (b) Mu’Allem (1987); (c) DHV 1979 and (d) Shahin 1990

The average yields for perennially, regularly and irregularly spate-irrigated areas in Wadi Rima is presented in Table 4 in Annex A. In the coastal region of Southern Yemen, respectable yields are obtained for field crops grown under spate irrigation despite the lack of fertilisers and pest control and without following certain crop rotation or improved cultural practices. The yields of sorghum, millet, sesame and melons may fluctuate from year to year due to the plating date as well as sensitivity to attacks by insects and diseases. A probable explanation might be that soils in spate-irrigated areas are highly retentive of moisture and the good quality of spate water. However, yields could be increased by 30 to 50% if improved cultural practices, pest control and fertilisers are applied. (Mu’Allem 1987)

During the 1997-98 cropping season, the average grain yield for sorghum in the Sheeb area (Eritrea) was in the range of 1,200 to 1,500 kg/ha for the main crop, while the (first) ratoon crop had a yield between 700 and 1,000 kg/ha. Farmers also collect the straw of sorghum, maize and millet from their fields to be used as fodder and for roofing of their dwellings. (Hadera 2001)

Compared with the yields of spate-irrigated crops in Yemen and Eritrea, the yields in Balochistan (Pakistan) are significantly lower as they are in the range of 450 to 900 kg/ha for wheat, 360 to 550 kg/ha for sorghum, 200 to 500 kg/ha for pulses, 360 to 620 kg/ha for cotton and 150 to 350 kg/ha for oilseeds. (Van Steenbergen 1998) In Toiwar, the average yields for maize and barley are about 740 kg/ha and 1,300 kg/ha respectively. (Halcrow 1998)

Net Revenues
In the coastal area of the Red Sea in Yemen, the net revenues during the 2000-2001 cropping season were YR 72,100/ha (US$ 480) for cotton, YR 46,200/ha (US$ 310) for millet, YR 36,830/ha (US$ 245) for maize and YR 15,190 to 25,400/ha (US$ 100 to 170) for sesame. (Arcadis Euroconsult 2002a) According to a World Bank report (1986), the income of a farm with 3 ha in the upstream reach of the wadi in the Tihama plain was about US$ 1,766/ha, whereas a farm of 6 ha in the downstream section of the wadi would have an income of only US$ 300/ha. (Tihama Development Authority 1987)

In the Sheeb area (Eritrea), the net return for sorghum (main and ratoon crop) was about US$ 355/ha in a good year with sufficient floods (1997-1998), while it was only US$ 54/ha in a bad year (1996-1997) as the yield of the main crop was lower and no ratoon crop was harvested. The net return for ratoon crop is normally higher than for the main crop as the production costs are lower. (Hadera 2001)

In the Toiwar scheme in Balochistan (Pakistan), the net revenue was about Rs 8,340/ha (US$ 180/ha). The gross revenue for wheat (1,000 kg/ha) was Rs 9,530/ha (US$ 205/ha), of which Rs 8,025/ha are grain and Rs 1,505/ha as straw. After deducting the input costs (Rs 1,855/ha) and labour costs (Rs 1,480), the net revenue for wheat was Rs 6,195/ha (US$ 134/ha). The gross and net revenue for barley (1,300 kg/ha) were Rs 11,350/ha (US$ 245/ha) and Rs 8,500/ha (US$ 184/ha) respectively, whereas maize (760 kg/ha) had a gross and net revenue of Rs 16,180/ha (US$ 350/ha) and Rs 13,455/ha (US$ 290/ha) respectively. (Halcrow 1998)

Marketing
In spate irrigation systems, farmers usually sell any surplus grain and/or cash crops within their own village, in local markets or to nomadic herders, who are migrating between the winter grazing areas in the plains and the summer rangelands in the highlands. It also happens that traders come to village to purchase any surplus produce. There are also farmers, who take their produce to large urban centres in order to get a better price. The sale of (green) fodder is an important source of cash income for farmers in the spate irrigation systems in Balochistan as well as the coastal areas of Yemen.

In the area of Wadi Rima and Wadi Zabid, markets range in size from small to large, whereby the small markets have a retail function, whereas the larger markets serve two functions: distribution centres for food items and small hardware and as outlets for farm produce, mostly grain and livestock. There is a weekly market on every day of the week and they play a key role in the local economy. While a proportion of local produce is sold by the farmer directly, most farmers sell their produce to itinerant merchants, who market the purchased produce locally and regionally. Within each market, specific networks exist for trading each of the principal local products, in particular grains and livestock. Even goods for export are collected in small lots at most markets, whereby main exporters employ agents, who travel to the markets to purchase the exportable goods. For all commodities, the frequency of markets, the large number of small traders present in most markets and the multiplicity of areas in which they trade make price-fixing rather difficult. The marketing system is dependent on an element of mutual trust between all participants, which is based on Islamic principles that speculative trading and the payment of interest are both forbidden. It is still general practice for a majority of goods to be traded on delayed payment. Until a product reaches its final market, the price is not irrevocably fixed. Even if an entrepreneur purchases goods on credit at a fixed price, he can often negotiate a reduction if he fails to realise the price he anticipated. (MOD 1977a)

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