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4 LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES IN SPATE-IRRIGATED AREAS
With crop returns being low even in good years and the likelihood
of the absence or failure of a crop always there, spate-irrigated
agriculture makes a precarious living. Farming households in
spate irrigation systems have, therefore, adopted a number of
livelihood strategies to cope with the uncertainties of spate-irrigated
agriculture:
- One strategy is to save the surplus of grains from a bumper
year to a next year. A more common method to compensate bad
years
with good years is to monetise the surplus crop by investing
in disposable property, such as livestock in general and
draft animals in particular.
- The most common strategy is the diversification of the household
economy, whereby households in spate-irrigated areas generally
depend on multiple sources of incomes. The co-existence of
livestock keeping and spate irrigation has been noted in various
arid regions.
Small ruminants in particular are an integral component of
the household production system and often serve as a buffer
to overcome
dry years.
- Locally available natural resources often play an important
role in satisfying various needs of many households.
- Wage labour and off-farm activities are often other important
sources of household income in spate-irrigated areas.
- A failed flood season often triggers off substantial migration,
in particular of able-bodied male family members, in search
of labour.
- Another strategy to survive an adverse year is borrowing
money to purchase additional food items or to obtain seeds
at the start
of the cropping season.
- Traditional mechanisms of solidarity and mutual assistance
still play an important role in the local communities. (Van
Steenbergen 1997)
The different livelihood strategies will be described and analysed
in the following sections by using information about spate irrigation
systems from Pakistan, Yemen, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Tunisia.
The names of spate irrigation systems, which are used to illustrate
certain aspects of livelihood strategies, are listed in Table
2 in Annex A.
4.1 Livestock
Livestock is an integral component of the livelihoods of most
households involved in the cultivation of spate-irrigated crops
as it is an important strategy to cope with the risks related
to spate irrigation. The importance of livestock may be less
if the probability of spate irrigation is relatively high or
if there are good opportunities to generate an income outside
the agricultural sector.
In general, livestock may have the following important functions
in the livelihood strategies of households cultivating spate-irrigated
crops:
- Oxen and to a lesser extent camels are traditionally used
for the preparation of the fields and the maintenance of the
field
bunds as well as the (re)construction of the diversion structures
in the riverbeds and the cleaning of the flood canals.
- Camels and donkeys are used for the transport of crop produce,
water and people;
- Cows, goats, sheep and poultry are raised as a source of
food and income, whereby milk, dairy products (i.e. yoghurt,
whey
and butter), meat, wool and skins are the main livestock
products, which are mainly used for home consumption but also
sold to raise
cash;
- Small ruminants, such as goats and sheep, are important
savings to cope with crisis situations because of their high
reproductive
rates and high degree of resilience to drought conditions,
although oxen are also sold to bridge adverse years; and
- Cattle, donkeys and camels provide dung, which is used as
fuel by making dung cakes and as building material by mixing
it
with earth and straw.
Camels for Transport of Crop Produce in Balochistan
Role of Oxen
The ownership of at least one pair of oxen is often
an indicator of wealth. For many households in spate irrigation
systems, it is difficult to support a pair of oxen, because the
average farm size is often too small to produce sufficient fodder
to feed them in years with normal floods. At times of drought,
oxen and other large ruminants are a risk and many households
do not have another choice to sell them or to move to other areas
where fodder is available. Due to increasing farm mechanisation,
the number of draught animals in spate-irrigated areas in Balochistan
has reduced significantly, which has had consequences for the
livelihoods of many households and the social organisation of
the spate-irrigated communities. The sale of bullocks has lost
its importance as a mechanism to cope with a crop failure or
any other crisis. The replacement of bullocks by tractors has
undermined the traditional organisation of system maintenance,
whereby every household was contributing all its labour and animals
for the (re)construction of the diversion structure and cleaning
of the canal system in accordance with its capabilities. (Halcrow
1993a)
Oxen and draught equipment were commonly exchanged or hired
in Wadi Rima (Yemen) as only 40% of the farmers possessed their
own oxen. Hire charges for oxen may twice as high in the peak
season than during the off-season. Farmers may work for owners
of oxen in return for the use of the animals, usually at a rate
of 3-day labour for one-day oxen hire. (MOD 1977a)
Use of Oxen during Repair of Diversion Structure in Eritrea
Composition and Number
The composition and number of livestock
owned by households in spate-irrigated areas reflects their needs
(i.e. traction, transport, food) as well as the local environmental
conditions, including the availability of forage. In Wadi Rima,
the stocking density of oxen is closely associated with cropping
intensity. (MOD 1977a) A common strategy among livestock owners
is to build up livestock numbers in anticipation of recurrent
droughts, so that a minimum herd size is left after a crisis
period. In the Shabwah Governorate in Yemen, an average household
in the central-northern region owns 10 to 20 small ruminants,
5 to 10 camels and some poultry, whereas a typical household
in the central parts possesses 20 to 30 small ruminants and some
poultry. In Wadi Zabid, an average household has 2 cows, 2 calves,
5 goats and 4 sheep, while a minority of households owns two
oxen. In the spate-irrigated areas of Wadi Rima, most households
had on average 1.5 cows, 7.2 sheep, 1.5 donkeys and 6.4 hens,
while about a quarter of the households had 2.1 oxen and about
40% had 3.4 goats. (KIT 2002; IIP 2002, MOD 1977a))
In the Sheeb area, about 30% of the farmers do not own bullocks
and they have to rent of share a pair of oxen for the preparation
of their fields. A typical household has 1.5 to 2.7 dairy cattle
and 1 to 2 draught animals. (Hadera 2001) Only 31% of the landowners
in the Yandafero scheme in Ethiopia have one or two oxen, whereas
the other farmers hire or borrow draught animals or gain access
through the exchange of labour. (Farm Africa 2003)
The number of livestock owned by an average household in spate-irrigated
areas in Balochistan (Pakistan) varies considerably. In Chandia,
Barag, Nal Dat and Marufzai, an average household owns 3 to 6
sheep, 5 to 9 goats, 1.5 to 3.5 cattle and 1 to 4 chickens, whereas
one-third of the farmers in Chandia possess bullocks and a number
of households in Barag and Nal Dat has a camel. (Halcrow 1993b-e)
In other small spate irrigation systems, the number of livestock
is considerably higher as 90% of the households in Toiwar have
an average number of 62 small ruminants and two cows, whereas
an average household in three schemes (i.e. Dudar, Sohar Khor
and Sham) in Musa Khel District and one scheme (i.e. Jhalwani)
in Barkhan District possesses 29 to 75 small ruminants and 2
to 10 large ruminants. (Halcrow 1998; Ahmad 1998)
The principle of sharecropping is also practiced in the livestock
sector, whereby livestock owners place animals in the care of
others in return of a proportion of the produce. In the D.G.
Khan region and Balochistan in Pakistan, the herder receives
25% to 50% of all new born, surviving lambs and kids. (VBB Viak – NESPAK
1995, Ahmad 1998) Similar sharecropping arrangements for livestock
also exist in Wadi Rima in Yemen, whereby the daily management
and the costs of maintenance are the sharecroppers’ responsibility,
for which he usually acquires half of the offspring and all of
the milk in return. (MOD 1977a)
Small ruminants are usually grazed on the rangelands, whereas
large ruminants are fed with green fodder and crop residue (i.e.
straw and stalks) that are collected from the fields. In Wadi
Rima, (store-damaged) sorghum grains are occasionally used for
feed as well as surplus cotton seed and cakes, sesame cake and
date waste. To cope with shortage of fodder in the vicinity of
their villages, livestock-owners have to migrate with their animals
to other areas, such as the highlands, where they can find sufficient
fodder. In the Sheeb area (Eritrea), all livestock is kept in
the village and fed with cut grass during the cropping season
in order to prevent livestock from trampling and grazing young
growing plant. (MOD 1977a, Hadera 2001, Nawaz 2003)
Revenues
Most households use their livestock products, such
as milk, butter, yoghurt, whey, eggs, meat and skins, for home
consumption, although some items may be sold locally to raise
cash income. In the Sheeb area, an average household with two
cows, two goats, one sheep and one chicken has an annual production
of 625 litres of milk, 18 kg of butter and 130 eggs in a good
year, whereas the production levels are 50% lower in a bad year.
The incomes from livestock range from US$ 165 in a good year
to only US$ 12 in a bad year. (Hadera 2001) Live animals are
usually sold to repay outstanding loans and/or to purchase additional
food items. In the spate-irrigated areas of the Shabwah Governorate,
an average household generates a revenue between US$ 235 and
470 per year from livestock activities, including the sale of
5 to 15 sheep. (KIT 2002)
In addition to spate-irrigated agriculture and livestock, bee-keeping
may be another important source of income for households in spate
irrigation systems. Many households in the Shabwah Governorate,
in particular in the spate-irrigated areas, are engaged in bee-keeping,
of which 5% can be categorised as professionals with an average
of 150 beehives, 10% as semi-professionals with about 50 colonies
and the remaining 85% have a few beehives. It is estimated that
small beekeepers could earn between US$ 60 and 295 each year,
whereas professional bee-keepers have an annual income of US$
3,000 and more. (KIT 2002) Bee-keeping is also an important secondary
source of income among households in the Konso Special Wadera
in Ethiopia, who are involved in spate-irrigated agriculture.
(Farm Africa 2003)
4.2 Access to Locally Available Natural Resources
Spate water and land are two natural resources that are essential
for the livelihoods based on spate-irrigated agriculture. However,
there are also other locally available natural resources that
play a very important role in the livelihood strategies of farming
households in spate-irrigated areas.
Drinking Water
The access to reliable sources of (ground) water
for potable and domestic purposes throughout the entire year
is a condition for the permanent settlement of people in an area.
In a number of spate-irrigated areas, however, (ground) water
is not available permanently and the local population does not
have another choice than to leave their villages in search of
water for themselves and their animals. For instance, the majority
of the local population in the Sheeb area (Eritrea) migrates
each year for a number of months to the mountains, because there
is not sufficient water for themselves and their animals in the
lowlands during the summer months. (Hadera 2001; Halcrow 1997)
A similar situation also exists in the Kachhi Plain in Balochistan
(Pakistan), where existing water sources could not supply sufficient
water to satisfy the water requirements of the local population
for the entire year. As a result, people have to migrate to other
areas for a number of months each year. The most important sources
for potable water are earthen tanks and low-level sites in the
riverbeds. Most of these earthen tanks are located miles away
from the villages and they often have insufficient storage capacity,
which is further reduced to improper maintenance. To improve
the access to potable water for the local population and to reduce
the need to migrate temporarily to other areas, a number of newly
designed water storage tanks have been constructed under the
Pak-German Self-Help Project. The main improvement in the design
of the water tanks is its increased depth in order to reduce
water losses due to evaporation and seepage. As a result, the
newly constructed tanks provide water for eight months, while
the traditional tanks could not store water for more than three
months. (BRSP 19??)
Due to the installation of an increasing number of tubewells
for irrigation purposes, the aquifers in many spate-irrigated
areas are seriously over-exploited. Due to this development,
households in these areas have less secure access to potable
water as the level of the water table is decreasing rapidly and
an increasing number of shallow wells in the villages do not
supply sufficient throughout the entire year. In addition, the
quality of drinking water may be adversely affected as well as
it becomes more saline.
Natural Vegetation
In a number of spate irrigation systems,
trees play an important role in the livelihoods of the rural
households as well. In the central-northern region of Shabwah
Governorate in Yemen, each household has an average number of
25 to 50 Ziziphus trees in and around their spate-irrigated fields
for bee-keeping, fodder, fruits, timber, fuel wood and medicinal
uses. (KIT 2002) A large number of trees, such as acacia, can
also be found in the command areas of spate irrigation systems
in the Konso (Ethiopia), in which many beehives have been installed.
In Pakistan, multi-purpose trees as the Tamarix are common in
the spate-irrigated areas of Balochistan and Dera Ghazi Khan.
In the Sheeb area in Eritrea as well as in the spate-irrigated
areas along the Korakan River in Balochistan (Pakistan), households
earn an income with the cutting and sale of (fuel) wood. The
production and sale of charcoal is also undertaken by a number
of households in Balochistan and the Tihama region in Yemen.
(MOD 1977a, Hadera 2001; Halcrow 1993d, 1994)
Charcoal Production in Balochistan
In many spate-irrigated areas of Balochistan and Punjab (Pakistan),
the dwarf palm is used by women for making different item, such
as mats, ropes and sandals. (Ahmad 1998, VBB Viak – NESPAK
1995, Nawaz 2003) Trees with large spines, such as the acacia,
are also used for the construction of fences around fields to
protect standing crops from being damaged by roaming animals
as well as to form corals where livestock is collected and protected
for the night.
Furthermore, trees are also intensively used in the maintenance
and repair of irrigation structures in traditional spate irrigation
systems. Branches and even entire trees are used to strengthen
diversion spurs as well as flood protection works. (Scheitz 1987)
In Somalia, low dams of wooden poles are used to divert spate
flows into the fields or to open ponds and pools for temporary
storage. (Hag Nur 1987)
Use of Bushes for Strengthening of Diversion Spur in Eritrea
In addition to the cultivation of fodder crops, in particular
sorghum, it is common that bushes and grass growing along flood
canals and around the spate-irrigated fields are used to feed
animals as well. Normally, small ruminants, such as goats and
sheep, graze along the flood canals and the fallow fields in
search of edible vegetation, whereby the herdsmen may sometimes
cut branches of larger bushes, so that the animals can eat the
(new) leaves. During the cropping season, it is not uncommon
that women and children cut grass and take it home in order to
feed their animals, which are kept within the compound as a measure
to prevent damage to standing crops in the spate-irrigated fields.
Pasture
As livestock plays a crucial role in the livelihood
strategies of households in spate-irrigated areas, access to
sufficient fodder in terms of quantity and quality is conditional.
In addition to the cultivation and/or procurement of (irrigated)
fodder crops, such as (green) sorghum, and the use of leaves
and grass found in the command area of the spate irrigation system,
natural pastures are another important source of fodder for livestock.
In Wadi Rima in Yemen, sheep and goats graze and browse for much
of their feed along canal banks and on fallow fields and bushlands.
In sparsely populated areas, such as Balochistan and the mountainous
areas of Yemen, livestock owners may find pastures in the vicinity
of their villages. In the Sheeb area in Eritrea and the Kachhi
Plain in Balochistan, livestock owners have to migrate with their
animals to the pastures in the highlands for several months each
year due to shortage of fodder in the vicinity of their villages.
(MOD 1977a, Hadera 2001, BRSP 19??)
In some (remote) areas of Balochistan (Pakistan), rangeland
is communally owned by a tribe and their members have the right
to use the resources from these communal lands, such as fuel
wood, building materials, wild fruits, honey and edible roots.
Outsiders can only graze their animals on the communally owned
lands, if they have received permission and paid a grazing tax.
In the Barkhan District, outside herders paid Rs 80,000 (US$
2,330) to graze their 12,000 to 14,000 animals from October to
March. In Marufzai, a total amount of Rs 45,000 (US$ 1,800) was
raised in 1992 as grazing tax for the use of their communal rangelands
by nomadic herdsmen. (VBB Viak-NESPAK 1995; Halcrow 1993d)
In particular in densely populated areas, over-grazing has seriously
affected the quality of pastures, while more and more pastures
are transformed in arable land for the cultivation of (rainfed)
crops due to the increasing population pressure. As a result,
livestock owners have to look for alternative sources of fodder
for their animals, including the (seasonal) migration to the
highlands and/or the use of cultivated fodder crops. However,
these two options may not be affordable for poorer households
and their only option may be the sale of most of their animals.
4.3 Wage Labour and Off-Farm Incomes
In addition to an income from spate-irrigated agriculture and
livestock, households in spate-irrigated areas may have adopted
the risk coping strategy to earn an additional income as labourers
and/or from off-farm activities. Especially at harvesting time,
most households have to hire additional labour as the available
family labour is insufficient to carry out all the field activities.
The available pool of wage labourers may comprise members of
landless households, households with landholdings that are too
small to sustain the household throughout the entire year as
well as landholding households whose fields could not be irrigated
during the last flood season. Wage labour is the second source
of income for 25% of the households in the Toiwar scheme in Balochistan.
Nomadic tribes and temporary migrants may also come to the spate-irrigated
areas during harvesting time in search of wage labour. Wage labourers
are often paid in kind, whereby they receive a fixed portion
of the harvested crop. In Nal Dat, for example, wage labourers
receive one-twentieth of the crop for harvesting, while they
get one-tenth of the grain with chaff or one-eight without chaff
for threshing. (Halcrow 1993e, 1998) In the Sheeb area in Eritrea,
a typical household accrues 25 to 50% of its average annual income
from wage labour. (Halcrow 1997) The large majority of households
in Chandia have one or more household members in the civil service
with low-ranking jobs, such as messengers and workmen. (Halcrow
1993b)
Wealthier households may also be engaged in business, trade
and transport, whereas poorer households in Eritrea, Pakistan
and Yemen may also earn an income with the production and sale
of handicraft products, such as pottery, mats, baskets and sandals
(MOD 1977a, Hadera 2001, Nawaz 2003)
4.4 Migration
Different forms of migration can be found in spate-irrigated
areas, which are often an integral and crucial component of the
livelihood strategies of many households in order to reduce the
inherent risks of spate-irrigated agriculture. One reason for
migration is to move livestock to other areas where fodder and
water can be found, which may take place annually or only in
dry years. In the Sheeb area in Eritrea, a large majority of
the population migrate every year to the highlands during the
summer months (May to October) in search of fodder and water
and to escape the harsh climate in the lowlands during this time
of the year. Only the male members of each household remain behind
temporarily to divert the floods in July and August and to plant
their fields in September. Although this livelihood strategy
exploits different agro-ecological zones for acquiring water,
food and animal feed, certain activities, such as the emergency
repairs of the irrigation structures, are not undertaken at the
right time due to shortage of labour. In addition, the annual
costs of the seasonal migration, both in cash and labour, are
substantial and could be as high as one-forth of the annual income
of a typical households. (Hadera 2001; Halcrow 1997; Kahsaye
2002)
Another reason for migration is the search of wage labour by
male household members as the incomes generated by spate-irrigated
agriculture and livestock keeping are not sufficient to sustain
the entire household throughout the year. Most commonly, one
or more male members of the household migrate for a number of
months to other areas, where they may find work as labourers
in the agricultural sector, mines or industry. Normally, these
seasonal migrants return to their communities before the start
of the flood season or cropping season to assist in the irrigation,
preparation and/or planting of the fields. Especially small landowners
having land with a low probability of irrigation may have to
migrate each year for a number of months to other areas in search
of labour, because their small landholdings cannot support their
households throughout the entire year. Other landowners only
have to migrate in search of labour in dry years as their landholdings
produce sufficiently in normal years to sustain their households.
In the spate-irrigated areas of Dera Ghazi Khan and Balochistan
(Pakistan), seasonal migration is common. In Marufzai, for instance,
the most common response to cope with bad years is to seek temporary
employment in the coal mines around Duki or become tenants where
the water source is more reliable. Poor households in Nal Dat
migrate to spate-irrigated areas in Las Bela District, in particular
during the harvesting season in December. (Halcrow 1993d-e)
Households having spate-irrigated land may also decide to migrate
permanently when they have found permanent employment elsewhere.
In Chandia, more than 25% of the landholding households live
permanently in a nearby town, where most of them work as civil
servants. As the existing spate irrigation system cannot support
the entire community, more than half of landholding households
in Marufzai have migrated permanently to other spate irrigation
systems in the Anambar valley, where they work as casual labourers
and in some cases as bonded tenants. (Halcrow 1993b+e)
Migration abroad is reported in spate-irrigated areas in Yemen.
In Wadi Rima, much of the labour force is underemployed, if not
unemployed, for most of the year as employment is limited to
short seasons, principally the main harvest from October to December.
As a result, a high proportion of the local population (17% of
the adult males) left the country in the 1970s, mostly for Saudi
Arabia, where employment opportunities are both expanding and
lucrative. In the Shabwah Governorate, 10% to 25% of all extended
households have a family member in the Gulf States in 2002. (KIT
2002) In the 1970s, migration from the spate-irrigated area in
central Tunisia to Libya was important and many farmers in the
Nouael II Project area could install shallow wells with the remittances.
(Van Mazijk 1988)
Due to permanent migration, depopulation is a constant and self-reinforcing
threat to the farming communities in spate irrigation systems
as at a certain moment the number of landowners might be too
small to reconstruct the diversion structure and to clean the
flood canals in time. As a result, the diversion of sufficient
spate water becomes more difficult, causing further depopulation
as more landowners decide to migrate. Ultimately, the remaining
farmers have to abandon the entire spate irrigation system as
the critical mass for maintenance is lost, which occurred in
a number of areas in the Las Bela plains in the South of Balochistan.
(Van Steenbergen 1997; Ahmad 2000)
4.5 Credit Facilities
Indebtedness is common in spate-irrigated areas as many farmers
usually encounter serious cash deficits at certain times of the
year and/or they have to make debts to survive an adverse year.
Friends and relatives are usually the first source of credit
for many small farmers. Shopkeepers and traders are another important
source of credit as many small farmers obtain seeds on credit
at the start of the cropping season. The interest charged is
often very high, which reflects the risks associated with spate
irrigation. In Chandia, for instance, farmers took loans for
seeds from shopkeepers against a monthly interest rate of 5 to
10%, whereas farmers in Barag purchased seed on credit and paid
an 80% mark-up. Farmers may also be obliged to sell their produce
at low(er) prices to traders, from whom they borrowed money or
products. In Chandia, farming households also buy a pair of bullocks
on credit by paying the due sum after the harvest at 25% higher
prices. (Halcrow 1993b-c; Hadera 2001)
In the Tihama region in Yemen, the most common form of credit
is the traditional system of delayed payment, acceptable to most
merchants, traders and shopkeepers. Interest is not officially
charged but different price levels may be negotiated depending
on the time delay in payment. Traders in expensive capital equipment,
such as tractors and pumps, usually offer credit up to 2 years.
Shopkeepers and merchants give credit for shorter periods. However,
deposits, security and/or a reserve of capital are required for
most forms of public and private credit, but this practice precludes
poorer farmers from taking advantage of credit for purchase of
equipment. (MOD 1977a)
Remittances from abroad could be another source of capital for
households in spate-irrigated area. Due to the inherent risks
of spate-irrigated agriculture and the cultivation of mainly
low value crops, farmers in spate irrigation systems do not have
access to formal credit facilities of banks and financial institutions.
In Wadi Zabid (Yemen), only large landlords have access to credits
with subsidised interest rates from the Agriculture Credit Bank,
which they mainly use for the installation of tube-wells for
selling ground water to smaller farmers. The latter do not have
access to these cheap credit facilities as the bank requires
that at least 50% of the investment shall be self-financed by
the farmer. (IIP 2002)
4.6 Solidartity and Mutual Assistance Mechanisms
Traditional mechanisms of solidarity and mutual assistance still
exist in the spate-irrigated areas to help people in need, struck
by a calamity or during important social events (i.e. wedding).
However, households facing a crop failure cannot reckon on any
form of solidarity or mutual assistance from fellow villagers
as it occurs frequently and affect some landowners more than
others due to the location of their fields.
Among the Tigre population living in the Sheeb area of Eritrea,
groups of five to ten farmers work together on a rotation basis,
whereby the farmer for whom the labour is performed provides
food. Labour and oxen are also mobilised to cultivate the land
belonging to widows and very poor households. Furthermore, mutual
self-help groups are spontaneously formed to help each other
during field activities or the construction of houses. (Halcrow
1997)
In Balochistan, it is common that labour and means of production
are shared to a certain extent. Although tractors gradually take
over the role of draught animals, bullocks are still lent to
poor villagers for a number of days without charging a rent.
Farmers without seeds at the start of the cropping season may
ask their fortunate neighbours to help them out. If a farmer
cannot access his field or his field bunds have broken during
the flood season, others will come to his aid by either irrigating
the field on his behalf or assisting in the repair of the field
bund. These forms of mutual assistance are more or less an insurance
system, because in other years, given the unpredictability of
spate irrigation, the current “haves” may be on the
receiving end as they have to ask the assistance from those who
they have helped this year. (Halcrow 1993a-e, Van Steenbergen
1997)
The most prevalent solidarity mechanism in the rural areas of
Balochistan is the Islamic duty (i.e. Zakat) to give part of
the agricultural produce and livestock as alms to the needy,
whereby preference is given to members of the same family or
clan. The payment of Zakat may also be used to finance local
religious institutions, such as the mosque or religious school.
Zakat is either given in cash or kind and the prescribed amount
is one-tenth of the harvest of rainfed and spate-irrigated crops,
one-twentieth of the harvest of pump irrigated crops and one-fortieth
to one-fifth of the livestock. However, it seems that the actual
donations are usually less than the prescribed amounts and that
not all landowners pay their Zakat on a regular basis. (Halcrow
1993b-e, 1998)
Another type of assistance is to allow poor persons to pick
small amounts of vegetables (i.e. mustard leaves) and melons
for home consumption or to collect wheat kernels left on the
threshing floor. A less common practice is to give some land
in usufruct to a poor relative. Furthermore, it is common that
relatives and neighbours offer gifts in cash and kind during
special occasions, such as birth, wedding and funeral. For instance,
fellow villagers in Chandia arrange food for the first three
days of the condolence period for the family facing a death case.
These forms of assistance are reciprocal and often within the
own social inner circle. (Halcrow 1993b-e, 1998)
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